Introduction
Accra is the capital of Ghana, and one of the fastest-growing cities in Africa. According to a study by the United Nations, in 2020, Accra's population is estimated to be 2,514,005. For a national capital, this may not seem like a lot, but when one thinks about the fact that the population was only 177,147 in 1950, it is easy to see how fast Accra has grown. Since 2015 Accra has grown at an annual rate of approximately 1.89%, which equals 224,444 new residents in only five short years. [22.] Due to its rapid increase in population and complex history, the city is a juxtaposition of what history left behind, and what the city wants to be. This paper will look at how modern-day Accra came into being, the critical problems this city is currently facing, and potential solutions.
The Origin of Accra
Accra was a migration route for those traveling north and east for centuries, and it makes sense that the Ga people, credited with founding modern-day Accra, would settle here. According to the oral history of the Ga people, they originated in Israel, then migrated their way south through Uganda and then continued further down the Congo River. Part of the group decided to go westward with people settling in Cameroon, Nigeria, Benin, and Togo. The last of the group made its way into Ghana and then settled in Greater Accra sometime around the 13th century. [15.] The reason this journey matters when it comes to modern-day Accra is because the Ga people brought their unique, communal traditions and way of life with them. An example of Israel's connection can be seen in the Ga's most important festival of the year, the Homowo festival. Although celebrated every year, Homowo is usually in August or September. Traditions like unleavened bread, red paint near doorways, and some other foot rituals resemble the Israeli Passover. [11.]
When the Ga settled in Accra, they established communities rooted in trade and agriculture. Naturally, as a result of Accra being located on the sea, many also turned to fishing. The communities were relatively self-contained, and most settlements were near the sea. This allowed for people to develop their own spatial practices based on their cultural norms. They developed sophisticated social and economic networks that operated within close proximity to their living spaces. The majority of the original Ga settlements were near the sea, and it is still where you will find a large concentration of Ga family homes to this day. The concept of the "family home" has had a significant influence on Accra's urban form.
Although there was no formal written form of urban planning in the early days of Accra, clusters of family homes would be found in the area that was governed by a chief. The Chief would allocate the lands to individual families who would be free to use it for various purposes. Narrow roads generally separated lands or homes, but even in today's Ga communities, it is rare to find walls. The sense of community and interconnectedness was an integral part of Ga life.
The above figure shows the layout of a typical "family home compound." The courtyard style home allowed multiple generations to coexist. When the Chief allocated a plot of land, initially, one outbuilding would be constructed. This would be where the nuclear family unit would live. As the family grew or began to establish trades so they could earn a living, additional buildings would be constructed. When a "family home compound" was formed, each family unit (i.e., a son, his wife, and children) may share one "sleeping" space. As the children grew into adults, they may have their own space in the courtyard, create a new space in the courtyard, build a second level, or establish their own family homes somewhere nearby. Courtyard homes could be huge and even more than one story depending on the number of family members as well as their social status. A 2011 study by UN Habitat mentioned that the "social benefits include security and access to childcare within the compound as well as providing a structure to prevent homelessness." However, as will be addressed later, the study also found that the new generation of Accra residents have different wants. They value privacy, so they do not prioritize the social benefits in the same way previous generations did. [15.]
As Westerners began to arrive in Ghana, they changed the face of Accra forever. The first Europeans to arrive in Accra were the Portuguese in 1471. They came because they knew the source of the gold they had seen in North Africa was from the Gold Coast or modern-day Ghana. The Portuguese influence on the overall city design was minimal as they were simply there to trade. [16.] However, when other Europeans heard of the riches found in Ghana, they followed.
Foreign Influence on Accra's Urban Planning
In 1598, the Dutch established the first non-Portuguese forts along the coast. Because of an agreement they signed with the Chief in 1633, they were able to get a trading monopoly along the coast and, in 1642, seized all the Portuguese forts and built Crevecoeur (Ussher Fort). Although one may assume the purpose of the Europeans' forts was to protect them from the locals, they were actually built to protect themselves from other Europeans. There had been skirmishes with the locals from time to time, but it was mostly a peaceful coexistence as many locals relied on their business and trade relationships with the Europeans. A few years later, the British built James Fort (constructed from 1650-1653), which solidified their presence in Ghana. In 1652 the Swedes built a fort which the Danish took over later, and they built Christianborg Castle, which is known today as Osu Castle. Elmina Castle, James Fort, and the Christianborg Castle are three areas that are important to this day because they formed Ussher Town, James Town, and Osu, which are still prominent communities. [4.]
During a nearly 200-year long period, locals and foreigners lived in close proximity. It was a mix of commercial spaces, traditional homes, European homes, and later ‘storey’ buildings that were owned by wealthy Europeans. Although Europeans tended to live separate from locals, there was no clear-cut spatial exclusivity. The local communities were formed according to traditional customs and functioned according to cultural norms.
Around 1730, things began to take a darker turn. Accra was cut into seven quarters by the remaining foreigners. The Dutch governed Otublohum, Abola, Asere, and Gbse, while the British controlled Alata, Sempe, and Akumadzei. [4.] This shift resulted in the local chiefs no longer being able to collect ground rents, which meant they could no longer afford to defend themselves and became more reliant on the Europeans for their protection and general needs. Locals also began to be forcibly pushed out of their lands so that the Europeans could take more land near their forts and castles.
Then the earthquake of 1862 struck and destroyed much of Accra. The city became virtually two separate communities clustered around the British and Dutch forts. [4.] The locals continued being pushed out of their traditional homes to make way for the Europeans who stole their lands to build their own homes and businesses. The mixed families, which were predominately the product of European merchants and officials raping local women, resided next to the European communities. Farthest away, became where the local communities were formed.
As the British became more powerful, without the consent of the locals, they struck deals with the Danish in 1850 and the Dutch in 1872 [4.] to purchase that what did not belong to any of them, their claims to Ghana. In 1874 the British unrightfully declared that the Gold Coast (Ghana) was a British colony. From this point on, the British attempted to impose their customs on Accra to transform it into something that resembled home.
Ironically due to various factors, including local resistance and malarial mosquitos, the British never widely settled in Ghana. In a survey conducted in 1911, there were only 242 Europeans in Accra. [6.] However, it did not stop them from trying to make it resemble something they were accustomed to, and the impact of their reign on the development of Accra is still felt today. As Winterhalter highlight in "Building a New Nation: The Modern Architecture of Ghana," regarding the British occupation of Ghana:
"It also savagely robbed the Ghanaian economy of a century of development. In spite of the fact that mining of gold, diamonds, and manganese, in addition to the lucrative cocoa farming that occurred during the colonial period all made vast amounts of money, very little of that wealth stayed in Ghana." [24.]
While to the British, the Ga way of living may not have automatically been understood, their proposed modifications to Accra completely ignored the traditional spatial order of the city and caused a variety of problems.
"Both British officials like Thos E. Rice (an early 20th century Colonial Sanitation Officer) and Accra Town Council members saw opportunity when disease, fires, and natural disasters threatened the town's population. Their grid-like plans for new urban developments and decongested/resettled sections of the old town, however, failed to account for either the spiritual and social significance of space or the social and economic networks that operated within that space. In other cases, proposed technological solutions to perceived problems with sanitation disrupted local health practices and worsened sanitary conditions when infrastructure systems were not fully implemented or were unable to keep up with the pace of change in the growing city." [14.]
Much to the British's frustration, the locals ignored many of the changes they tried to implement simply because they did not make sense with regards to their every day life. Modifications were made by the local people using the spaces in an "unplanned," yet functional infrastructure system so that people could complete daily tasks, buy and sell goods, or get from one place to another.
The cocoa boom from 1900-1920 also added new elements to the infrastructure as well as problems of Accra. In 1909, the "Cocoa" Railway was completed. Farm to market roads were expanded so cocoa could easily be transported from inland to Accra. [6.] The port was developing rapidly, and there was a massive influx of people coming to Accra looking for work.
The cocoa boom saw the European population nearly double, and by 1921 there were 540 Europeans in Accra, of which 85% were British. [6.] They wanted the city to function in a more European way as well as more closely resemble home. Frustrated with their rules not being followed by locals, the British imposed their will through the Accra Town Council. From the 1920s-1940s, the Accra Town Council was comprised of both British and local members. However, only the British were considered official members of the council. [14.] They passed regulations that completely disrupted the local way of life. The "unofficial" elected local members of the Accra Town Council were used as the strongarm enforcers to see that the rules were followed even if they did not make sense.
Many family homes were reconfigured in the name of sanitation, and other private spaces were intruded upon. The practices of keeping family businesses in proximity to family homes were impacted as a result of the introduction of zoning in the 1920s that attempted to separate public and private spaces. Mills and distilleries were suddenly considered nuisances in the "residential zone" and often forced out. As a result of the zoning, many local activities that were essentially the lifeblood of their local communities, were suddenly considered "illegitimate, undesirable and illegal." [14.] One theory about why these businesses were pushed out went beyond urban planning. These secondary industries could compete with similar British businesses and, therefore, were considered competitors. This mindset resulted in the Accra economy being stripped of the secondary industry, which was a vital component in the economies of many Western countries. [6.] They also began using zoning to renew segregation and take prime land so that it could be reallocated for use by the foreigners. One of the few benefits of this zoning was a more structured roadway system.
Although the British may have been able to control land allocation through zoning, they could not change the customs, culture, and behavior of the locals; resulting in "innovative systems of mobility and exchange in the city-transforming space into place in ways that were locally meaningful." [14.] Although the British left their mark on the city as a result of several buildings they constructed, the lack of enforceable urban planning meant that most locals still lived in family homes and continued to arrange their neighborhoods to suit their needs.
As the cocoa trade grew, the urban structure continued to change. Commercial firms primarily owned by the Europeans were constructed in the northern part of Accra, close to the railroad. A semi-circular pattern was formed as they grew along the railway. Spatial use was handled in different ways by these companies. Some occupied huge plots that could be more than an acre, while others chose to construct multistory buildings to house their companies. [6.] The cocoa trade in a very short time saw many aspects of Accra's infrastructure revolutionized not for the sake of improving the city for the local residents, but purely as a tool to facilitate the cocoa trade. Many residents were forced off of their family lands; locals and new arrivals to Accra from other parts of Ghana were pushed closer together than ever.
Ironically it was the Second World War that made the British see that they had indeed done a disservice to Ghana during their occupation. The atrocities committed by the Nazis somehow opened their eyes to the imbalance they had created in Ghana. Although they continued to suppress secondary industries which hampered the locals' economic development, they realized they had failed to address many local needs.
"In 1940 Great Britain established the Colonial Development and Welfare Act in an attempt to actively improve the quality of life for the citizens of the commonwealth. The large increase in school building throughout the country was a direct result of this act which introduced a new educated class and a new architectural expression to go along with it." [24.]
As a result of this push, the local culture was further suppressed. Not only had the city structure gradually being imposed by the British attempted to invalidate cultural norms, but the British style "education" stripped the locals of another part of their cultural identity. By the late 1940s the British suppression was reaching a boiling point.
Post-Independence Urban Planning
Under the leadership of Kwame Nkrumah, the British were ousted in 1957 and ushered in a new urban planning era in Accra. In 1958, the Town and Country Planning Division of the Ministry of Housing prepared the "Accra: A Plan for the Town, The Report for the Ministry of Housing," which included a forward by Nkrumah. In the Preface, Town Planning Advisor, W.H. Barret, made it very clear that the purpose of the new plan was not to create a new city, but rather to improve the existing plan. As he stated, "The city already has the basic physical form of a good town, and no one can deny the appeal of palm trees, colourful vegetation, white sand and the roar of the Atlantic surf." [5.] He also believed it would be unreasonable to exploit the recently freed nation's overexuberance and to spend without careful consideration.
The plan was comprehensive. It addressed nearly all of the problems facing the citizens of Accra at the time. It took a look at housing issues, zoning, public spaces, and what needed to be done to create a bright future for Accra. From an infrastructure perspective, the Kwame Nkrumah era plan was extremely ambitious. Even if it required a significant amount of State funding, the vision was for the systematic development of Accra that did not overlook essential things like public spaces and traffic flow. The government also recognized that public spaces were at risk of being exploited through untoward sales or encroachment by squatters, so there were provisions to protect it. [5.]
Although prematurely overthrow, Kwame Nkrumah created outstanding landmarks (Black Star Square, Independence Arch, and others) that remain to this day. He was able to instill a sense of pride that was lost while the British were in power. His approach to urban development was different from all of his predecessors to date. He wanted to improve his administration's stature, and he wanted to promote a sense of national identity. He wanted Ghanaians to be proudly Ghanaian. [13.]
When Kwame Nkrumah was overthrown, many of his policies and intended improvements were also put on hold. Accra's population continued to grow; however, due to various bureaucratic issues, many of the plans were stalled. In 1960, more than 75% of Ga people were living in urban centers. [15.] The average number of people per household in Accra had risen from 12.6 to 18.5. [21.] At that time, it was determined that this was partly due to an increase of people coming from other parts of Ghana to the capital, where they felt there would be more economic opportunities. Because suburbs didn't exist during this period, instead of seeing urban sprawl, communities became more crowded. [21.] Even though the population of immigrants in Accra continued to increase, Ga people-maintained aspects of their traditional culture. [15.]
The 1980s took a different approach. To receive loans from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, they required the restructuring of the Ghanaian economy. [19.] Although Westerners were not directly making the decisions for Accra's urban development, they influenced the philosophies and policies implemented. Ghana entered into the International Monetary Fund's structural adjustment programme (SAP) in 1983, which essentially ended the state-driven development approach and encouraged privatization. [10.]
In a developing country like Ghana, this had both advantages and disadvantages. Although meant to trigger improvements in infrastructure, early privatization projects, like the privatization of water in the early 1990s, failed to live up to expectations.
"After the privatization the level of service was reduced and the per capita demand went from 45 to 20 litres of water per day. The supply of drinking water at national level - non-municipal areas - decreased from 46 percent of the population in 1992 to 30 percent in 1998. In 2002, the Government of Ghana estimated that around 66 percent of urban residents, and only 37 percent of rural residents, had access to drinking water." [8.]
Critics also argued that foreigners were given priority during the privatization of infrastructure, which meant that local options and solutions were not being given due consideration. [8.] One may argue that Accra actually took a step backward in that much of the urban planning and infrastructure control were essentially back in the hands of foreigners who did not clearly understand cultural sensitives. As a result of SAP policies and other pressures by the World Bank and IMF, State spending on housing provision was reduced from 10-12% of the national budget to 1-2%. [10.] Reduced government spending led to a reduction in formal employment opportunities, which also changed the way that local residents lived and used their space.
An increase in informal self-employment saw small-scale businesses and jobs such as porters, hawkers, and roadside sales. Without a fixed income, this left some vulnerable and made many search for cheaper housing options. With no clear urban planning policy, whole communities found their own solutions, which were often informal or unauthorized construction.
With the passing of the Land Title Registration Law and Land Title Regulation in 1986, properties would have a proof of title so that there was less dispute over ownership. Land purchases were supposed to be made easier as well as safer because there would be less fraud or double selling of property. [20.]
While, in principle, having a Land Title Registration Law seems like it would have resolved many of Accra's land and development problems, land ownership in Ghana is not handled the same way it is in the West, so there are still conflicts.
"In Ghana Land ownership can be categorized into two broad classes. Customary land and Public lands. Customary lands are lands owned by stools, skins, families or clan usually held in trust by the Chief, head of family, clan, or fetish priests for the benefit of members of that group. Private ownership of land can be acquired by way of a grant, sale, gift or marriage. Public lands are lands which are vested in the president for public use. Ownership is by way of outright purchase..." [20.]
However, chiefs can also determine who gets land or sell it. Therefore, despite having clear laws on the books, even major construction projects such as hotels can go into litigation over land rights disputes long after "sales" have concluded.
Dysfunctions of Urban Planning in Modern Day Accra
Although half a century has passed since the days of Kwame Nkrumah, in many ways, his legacy is still the foundation for Accra's urban planning. While city residents are grateful for the highways and other infrastructure he established, sadly, there have been few projects that can compare to Kwame Nkrumah's levels of ambition. Much of the infrastructure he put in place is due for an update. The gap in city planning and urban design has caused two significant issues that have left a lasting impact on Accra.
Growth Without Effective Planning
According to the 2015 National Housing Policy created by Ministry of Water Resources, Works and Housing, "there is no single law that regulates the housing sector directly or which serves as the framework for housing governance in Ghana," [19.] so the lack of organization should come as no surprise.
With housing not taking center stage in the urban planning and development of Accra, most residents and immigrants from rural areas lived in less than ideal situations with lacking infrastructure. At the same time, the middle class and affluent began developing other areas of the city. The mix of residential and commercial did not always make sense. Rather than urban planning and zoning, development was primarily guided by who owed the property versus what the community needed. "…the first direct attempt in the postcolonial era to institute a coherent framework to specifically guide the activities of all state and non-state actors in the housing sector culminated in the National Housing Policy And Action Plan (1987 – 1990)." [19.] However, this was a failure because it remained in draft form and was not only never implemented, but it was actually never fully adopted by the government. In the meantime, the city continued to grow.
"This was followed in 1991-92 by another draft Comprehensive National Shelter Strategy document, prepared in collaboration with UN-Habitat (UNCHS) which also suffered similar fate as the first one. Several attempts followed thereafter in 1999, 2000, 2003 and 2005 to review or update the shelter strategy, albeit with no success in being formally adopted by successive Governments. Reasons for the consistent failure of successive Governments to formally adopt draft housing policies that had been commissioned are outlined in other publications including the National Housing Profile (2011)." [19.]
For what was spent on proposals, entire neighborhoods probably could have been redesigned. The stubbornness of political parties, coupled with the complexities of cross-department coordination, completely stifled all attempts at creating a proper plan. However, as every year went by, the situation grew worse.
In September 2005, a forum on Housing, Urban Development and Poverty Alleviation was held. Everyone recognized that although several different drafts of plans had been made for various parts of the city, a lack of management and enforcement had resulted in a complete breakdown in the system, which resulted in haphazard development across Accra. [5.]
To make matters worse, there lacked a "comprehensive human settlements policy" [5.], which further exacerbated the problem. This resulted in chaotic urban sprawl, a lack of infrastructure in many densely populated areas, and due to a lack of coordination among different government departments, and no accountability for resolving the issues at hand. As a result of the education system and the introduction of more Western ideals, some aspects of local culture were also coming under attack. The preference for Western-looking single-family homes was replacing the traditional courtyard and multigenerational family-style dwellings. Entire neighborhoods of expensive houses designed by foreign architects were popping up in small clusters, while the situation in poor communities continued to deteriorate.
The National Urban Policy and Action Plan was finally finalized in 2012. The 5-year plan was extremely ambitious and, if properly implemented, could have been the foundation for an urban planning design that worked. However, with its loosely followed schedule, nearly ten years later, the 50-page plan's impact is difficult to see. [18.]
Accra and other metropolitan areas' population continued to grow, and the problems within many urban communities only worsened. In 2015, the National Housing Policy was created to support the National Urban Policy and Action Plan.
"The major challenge facing the housing sector in Ghana is the development of a strategy in the short term to address the huge housing deficit, and in the medium to long term, ensure that the citizenry, particularly the low-income sector of society, are able to access housing either through ownership or rental purposes." [19.]
The idea behind this policy seemed all too familiar. "It is envisaged that this policy will forge closer partnerships among the various Government agencies, the private sector and the local communities to ensure effective implementation." [19.] Sadly, even though the document was put in place, this never came to fruition, and there are still disconnects within the government that have so far made effective reforms next to impossible.
Although it is obvious the current urban planning system is not as effective as it needs to be, the addition of attention from UN agencies (UN-Habitat, UNDP, UNESCO, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund contributing policy outlines and their opinions about urban development have created additional confusion and a lack of focus. While they spout concepts such as 'right to the city,' 'inclusive urbanization,' 'sustainable urbanization,' [1.] and more, there has been little done to ensure these ideologies can be translated into something that not only works in Accra, but also takes into consideration the overall culture of the city.
Cultural Disconnect
Another aspect where dysfunction runs rampant is in the lack of cultural considerations when it comes to city planning and development. As the population of Accra continued to rise, there was an affordable housing shortage. Ga people who traditionally lived in homes like the image shown below, were finding themselves faced with new living conditions. In lower-income areas, population explosions, including people coming from rural Ghana as well as other countries in West Africa, resulted in overcrowding and infrastructure issues.
Although there are seemingly countless examples of the cultural disconnect when dealing with urban planning, the handling of Mensah Guinea, also known as 'Down Town,' is a classic example. The Mensah Guinea community was founded by Ga people from the Mensah Guinea family in the late eighteenth century. They had chosen a place that was undeveloped, but had good fishing waters. The initial settlements in this area were typical Ga family homes. The Mensah Guinea family still holds the papers granted by the new government, after the ousting of the British, that clearly states they were granted several building permits for residential and fishing activities by the government of Accra. [9.]
While it is unknown exactly how Mensah Guinea eventually became a slum, as many of the residents had been there for decades, one thing was certain; it did not happen overnight. Low rent prices and proximity to Makola Market, Accra's largest marketplace, attracted large numbers of low-income residents from rural Ghana and West Africa. Several informal constructions were erected as homes and businesses; however, this was a common practice in Ghana. "It is estimated that half of all houses constructed since the 1980s lack building permits, which implies that they are unauthorized by the local planning authorities." [10.]
With little support regarding infrastructure or management, the entire Mensah Guinea community formed its own ecosystem that relied on many traditional norms. Families lived near where they worked. Although the residences were small, many were multigenerational. There were people selling food and daily necessities. There were barbers, electricians, seamstresses, and a variety of other businesses all nestled among the estimated 3,000-5,000 residents. Although private companies removed toilet sewage, the area did lack a formal waste management facility. Most homes were not hooked up to running water. The community did not have its own school or hospital, and the roads were mere paths that no fire truck or ambulance could ever drive down.
As previously stated, many of the residents of Mensah Guinea had lived there for decades. It was not a perfect existence, but it was all many of them had ever known, and it was all most of them could afford. Many feared that 'decongestion' policies put the community at risk of demolition so over the years many residents did not dare make significant investments to improve their homes. [1.] But the real intention behind 'decongestion' was often called into question.
"Decongestion thus represents an attempt by city authorities to hold on to the status quo and to define who has claims to the city and how it should be produced and used, and what kind of city it should be—core issues that the right to the city challenges." [1.]
However, when it came to this area, the Mensah Guinea family had documentation stating they had a clear claim to the land. [9.] In theory, this meant that in the event, there were to be any efforts by the government to deal with the situation at Mensah Guinea, it should be done through proper channels.
With little warning, at dawn on 5 September 2014, life as Mensah Guinea residents knew it changed forever. Three days before, the people of Mensah Guinea received eviction notices. They were informed that the Accra Metropolitan Assembly (AMA) was going to demolish Mensah Guinea due to what they described as unsanitary conditions that had contributed to a recent cholera outbreak. The community did not dispute that there had been cholera cases. In fact, there had been ten of them. However, all ten cases had been treated and released from a local hospital before the serving of eviction notices. The Slum Union of Ghana had been called in on their behalf, but in the end, the majority of Mensah Guinea was still destroyed. The Slum Union of Ghana chastised the AMA and called for compensation for the people whose homes were destroyed. [2.] However, at the time, it was rumored that the prime real estate was to be redeveloped into a seaside hotel or resort. [3.]
With no money and no place to go, many residents were forced to sort through the rubble and reconstruct makeshift huts on the beach. The new location was less safe and more unsanitary than before. The government is using part of the original site as a dump for used vehicles. [12.] In 2018, CitiTV visited the site, and the used car dump was filled with squatters. Some of the residents are young mothers with no place to go, while others are employed but down on luck. [7.] The current conditions have led to an increase in crime and instability that could have been resolved through careful rezoning and relocation practices.
Conclusion
Accra’s complex history has resulted in ineffective, unenforceable urban planning policies. By attempting to follow philosophies foreign to the Ga or even Ghanaian culture there is a disconnect with the people, how they live, and what they need to thrive. To address the issues of overcrowding, infrastructure, urban sprawl and zoning, it is imperative that the specific needs of Accra be addressed. While ideological plans can be used as aspiration, what Accra needs today is a solution to its severe lack of affordable housing and uneven distribution of infrastructure. To ensure the local culture is addressed affordable, multiuse, sustainable communities that encourage multigenerational living would be a solution that could completely transform Accra from a city that has had a destiny of disfunction to a city that leads the way for all of Africa.
Works Cited
1. Aba O. Crentsil and George Owusu, Accra’s Decongestion Policy: Another Face of Urban Clearance or Bulldozing Approach?, International Development Policy | Revue internationale de politique de développement Oct. 2018. Accessed: 29 May 2020. https://journals.openedition.org/poldev/2719
2. Alhassan, Abdallah. Slum Union of Ghana Condemns Demolishing of Houses in Mensah-Guinea. International Alliance of Inhabitants. 10 Sep. 2014 Accessed: 25 May 2020 https://www.habitants.org/news/inhabitants_of_africas/slum_union_of_ghana_condemns_demolishing_of_houses_in_mensah-guinea
3. Arku, Jasmine. AMA demolishes structures at Mensah Guinea. Graphic Online. 6 Sep. 2014. Accessed: 29 May 2020. https://www.graphic.com.gh/news/general-news/ama-demolishes-structures-at-mensah-guinea.html
4. Arn, Jack, Third World Urbanization and the Creation of a Relative Surplus Population: A History of Accra, Ghana to 1980, Review (Fernand Braudel Center), Vol. 19, No. 4 (Fall, 1996), pp. 413-443
5. Author Unknown. Housing programmes need central coordinating authority. GNA. 1 Sep. 2005 Accessed: 23 May 2020 https://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/NewsArchive/Housing-programmes-need-central-coordinating-authority-89296
6. Brand Richard R. The Role of Cocoa in the Growth and Spatial Organization of Accra (Ghana) Prior to 1921, African Studies Review Vol. 15, No. 2 (Sep., 1972), pp. 271-282 (12 pages)
7. CitiTV. Survival in Accra: Mensah Guinea residents turn scrap cars into homes. 14 Aug 2018. Accessed: 29 May 2020 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=v6YByigOf08
8. Del Bene, Daniela and Greyl, Lucie. Water Privatization, Ghana. Environmental Justice Atlas. 19 Jan 2016. Accessed: 28 May 2020. https://ejatlas.org/conflict/water-privatization-ghana
9. Fält, L. From Shacks to Skyscrapers: Multiple Spatial Rationalities and Urban Transformation in Accra, Ghana. Urban Forum 27, 465–486 (2016). Accessed: 24 May 2020 https://doi.org/10.1007/s12132-016-9294-8
10. Fält, Lena. New urban horizons in Africa A critical analysis of changing land uses in the Greater Accra Region, Ghana. 2020. Accessed: 27 May 2020. https://su.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:1387866/FULLTEXT01.pdf
11. Fordjour, Asante. A True History of The Ga Peoples. Ghana Web. 3 Oct. 2013, Accessed: 24 May 2020 https://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/features/A-True-History-of-The-Ga-Peoples-287636
12. Ghana TV3. Structures springing up at Mensah-Guinea 2yrs after demolition exercise - 18 Nov 2016 Accessed: 28 May 2020 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NBRFdjSvg6I
14. Hart, Jennifer. Colonial Governance, Modernization, And The Process Of Informalization In Accra, The Metropole, 26 Nov. 2019 Accessed: 24 May 2020 https://themetropole.blog/2019/11/26/colonial-governance-modernization-and-the-process-of-informalization-in-accra/
15. La Verle, Berry, ed. Ghana: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1994. Accessed: 24 May 2020 http://countrystudies.us/ghana/43.htm
16. Ministry of Environment Science and Technology Town and Country Planning Department. Zoning Guidelines and Planning Standards. Government of Ghana. Nov. 2011. Accessed: 29 May 2020 http://www.luspa.gov.gh/files/ZONING-GUIDELINES-AND-PLANNING-STANDARDS.pdf
17. La Verle, Berry, ed. Ghana: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1994. Accessed: 24 May 2020 http://countrystudies.us/ghana/6.htm
18. Ministry of Local Government and Rural Development. Ghana National Urban Policy Action Plan. Government of Ghana, May 2012. Accessed: 25 May 2020 http://www.ghanaiandiaspora.com/wp/wp-content/uploads/2014/05/ghana-national-urban-policy-action-plan-2012.pdf
19. Ministry of Water Resources, Works and Housing. National Housing Policy. Government of Ghana. 2015. Accessed: 22 May 2020 http://www.mlgrd.gov.gh/ctn-media/filer_public/02/7b/027bc3a2-c4f1-4a31-a6fd-144d35d541f7/ghana_national_housing_policy.pdf
20. Sittie, Rebecca. Land Title Registration. The Ghanaian Experience. Shaping the Change XXIII FIG Congress. 18 Oct. 2006 Accessed: 27 May 2020 https://www.fig.net/resources/proceedings/fig_proceedings/fig2006/papers/ps07/ps07_15_sittie_0848.pdf
21 T. E. HILTON, (July 1970) The Settlement Pattern of the Accra Plains. Geography, Vol.55, No. 3, 289-306 Accessed: 23 May 2020 https://www.jstor.org/stable/40567275?seq=1
22. Tipple, Graham. Ghana Housing Profile. UN Habitat. 2011. Accessed: 23 May 2020.http://housingfinanceafrica.org/app/uploads/UN-Habitat_HF-in-Ghana-2.pdf
23. United Nations, World Urbanization Prospects United Nations population estimates and projections of major Urban Agglomerations，Accessed: 21 May 2020 https://worldpopulationreview.com/world-cities/accra-population/
24. Winterhalter, Shannon Marie. Building a New Nation: The Modern Architecture of Ghana, University of Georgia. 2017. https://getd.libs.uga.edu/pdfs/winterhalter_shannon_m_201705_mhp.pdf Accessed: 25 May 2020